August 2009

Daily Fantasy Baseball

If the pitcher disagrees with the call, he will "shake off" the catcher by shaking his head; he accepts the sign by nodding. Each team has a different set of signals, though the number 1 is almost universal as a fast ball. The catcher's role becomes more crucial depending on how the game is going, and how the pitcher responds to a given situation. Each pitch begins a new play, which might consist of nothing more than the pitch itself.

The goal of the team at bat is to score more runs than the opposition; a player may do so only by batting, then becoming a base runner, touching all the bases in order (via one or more plays), and finally touching home plate. To that end, the goal of each batter is to enable baserunners to score or to become a baserunner himself.

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British bobbies hunt burqa-clad bandit (AP)

LONDON – British police say they're on the trail of a burqa-clad bandit, or bandits, who robbed three different locations in the past two months.
Police said Tuesday that three armed men, one wearing a full-body veil, stole tens of thousands of pounds (dollars) worth of watches from a jewelers in Banbury, 80 miles (130 kilometers) northwest of London.
Monday's theft follows two incidents in which an assailant wearing a black burqa robbed travel agents in the English towns of Dunstable and Luton, both about 45 miles (70 kilometers) away.
The first robbery occurred in early July. Another occurred about a month later.
Detective Constable Steve Guerin says police aren't sure whether there's a connection between the robberies, but they seem "strikingly similar."

Diabetic Supplies

Diabetes develops due to a diminished production of insulin (in type 1) or resistance to its effects (in type 2 and gestational). Both lead to hyperglycaemia, which largely causes the acute signs of diabetes: excessive urine production, resulting compensatory thirst and increased fluid intake, blurred vision, unexplained weight loss, lethargy, and changes in energy metabolism. Monogenic forms, e.g. MODY, constitute 1-5 % of all cases.

Most of the carbohydrates in food are converted within a few hours to the monosaccharide glucose, the principal carbohydrate found in blood and used by the body as fuel. The most significant exceptions are fructose, most disaccharides (except sucrose and in some people lactose), and all more complex polysaccharides, with the outstanding exception of starch. Insulin is released into the blood by beta cells (β-cells), found in the Islets of Langerhans in the pancreas, in response to rising levels of blood glucose, typically after eating. Insulin is used by about two-thirds of the body's cells to absorb glucose from the blood for use as fuel, for conversion to other needed molecules, or for storage.

Diabetic Supplies

UN expert: Australia breached Aborigines' rights (AP)

CANBERRA, Australia – Australia breached international obligations on human and indigenous rights by imposing radical restrictions on Aborigines during a crackdown on child abuse in Outback communities, a United Nations expert said Thursday.
The U.N. special rapporteur on indigenous human rights, James Anaya, said his 12-day fact-finding tour of Australia revealed that the Aboriginal minority still suffers from "entrenched racism."
Anaya's comments came as Australia launched its latest bid to address inequality, ill-health and poverty among the country's 500,000 indigenous people that have dogged the country since white settlers arrived more than 200 years ago.
The government said Thursday it would set up a new national representative body this year to advise it on policies relating to Aborigines.
Aborigines make up about 2 percent of the country's 22 million-strong population. In recent decades, billions of dollars have been thrown into community programs, housing and education. Yet Aborigines remain the poorest, unhealthiest and most disadvantaged minority, with an average life span 17 years shorter than other Australians.
Anaya, a University of Arizona human rights law professor, said he was particularly concerned by restrictions imposed on Aborigines in the Northern Territory in response to a 2006 government-commissioned report that found child sex abuse was rampant in remote indigenous communities.
The government suspended its own anti-discrimination law so it could ban alcohol and hard-core pornography in Aboriginal communities and restrict how Aborigines spend their welfare checks. The restrictions do not apply to Australians of other races.
"These measures overtly discriminate against aboriginal peoples, infringe their right of self-determination and stigmatize already stigmatized communities," Anaya told reporters in the national capital of Canberra.
The measures were too broad and had been imposed for too long, despite a lack of evidence that the ban on alcohol had reduced alcohol abuse, he said.
Anaya described as "demeaning" the policy of forcing Aborigines to set aside a portion of their welfare checks for essentials such as food and rent. "They have to carry a card around that marks them as someone who can't manage their own funds," he said.
The restrictions were "incompatible" with Australia's obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, he said.
Anaya — who has made similar tours in Brazil, Nepal and Botswana before visiting Australia at the invitation of the government and indigenous groups — welcomed the announcement of plans for an indigenous representative body.
The new body will be independent of the government and serve as a less powerful version of a national Aboriginal organization that between 1990 and 2005 administered billions of dollars in funds for indigenous programs and whose leaders were elected by Aboriginal constituents.
The previous conservative government abolished that organization — the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission — in 2005 amid corruption and mismanagement allegations, and folded its operations into other departments.
"Today is a day when, as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, we begin a new journey and express our determination to put our future in our hands," said Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner Tom Calma.
Indigenous Affairs Minister Jenny Macklin said the government wants to establish the new body before the end of 2009.

Dodd says he will carry on Ted Kennedy's life work (AP)

WASHINGTON – Sen. Christopher Dodd says he'll push hard to win the far-reaching health care overhaul championed by Sen. Edward Kennedy, whom Dodd viewed almost like a brother.
Dodd's dedication to carrying on Kennedy's career-long quest for universal health care is not surprising. Dodd, D-Conn., and Kennedy, D-Mass., were friends since Dodd arrived in the Senate nearly 30 years ago and served together for years on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee that Kennedy chaired. Tapped by Kennedy himself, Dodd filled in for his ailing friend this summer as Kennedy's committee tackled, and approved, a bill to expand health insurance coverage, the first time a congressional panel has approved a health care overhaul plan.
In a voice choked with emotion, Dodd recounted for reporters his final months with Kennedy, 77, who died Tuesday after battling brain cancer.
"I don't remember not knowing him," said Dodd. "It's like losing a brother."
Dodd trekked to Kennedy's compound in Hyannis Port, Mass., for dinner earlier this summer. There they talked at length about the health care changes Kennedy was advocating. Even though Kennedy had difficulty speaking, "the lights were on and he knew exactly what was going on," Dodd said.
"He was the quintessential legislator," Dodd said. "He understood the Senate as well as anybody ever has."
Like Kennedy, Dodd, 65, is dealing with cancer — an early, treatable stage of prostate cancer which, Dodd said, will not derail his plans to run for re-election next year. He underwent surgery two weeks ago in New York, and the first call he received afterward was from the ailing Kennedy, who jokingly welcomed Dodd to the "cancer club" and made some off-color comments about the hazards of catheters.
Now, with Kennedy gone, Dodd faces a major decision on whether to take over Kennedy's chairmanship, effectively turning himself into the shepherd of his old friend's fight for health care. Dodd said he needs time to consider his choices and plans to consult with Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, among others, before deciding.
"I really don't have any answer for you at this point," Dodd replied Wednesday when asked what he might do. "I am just too consumed with the loss."
Democrats hoping to win passage of broad health care reforms are struggling to get back on track as Congress winds down its annual August recess and prepares to return to Capitol Hill early next month. Dodd said that he thinks Kennedy "felt confident that we were on track" and that Kennedy's spirit "will be very much a part" of the legislative push for health care.
If he does decide to take the helm of the health committee, Dodd must relinquish his chairmanship of the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee, a choice that could weigh heavily in his 2010 re-election bid, the toughest fight of his five-term Senate career. Such a change could give Dodd's campaign a boost, as Dodd has been dogged by allegations he's too cozy with the financial interests he's supposed to regulate through his committee.
Some analysts believe taking over Kennedy's committee could give Dodd appropriate distance from the financial issues that have hurt his popularity over the past year. It also would make him a key player on an issue that has sparked impassioned debate across the country and take him back to issues from early in his Senate career involving children, education and families.
"Chris Dodd has an opportunity to showcase all the work he's done in those areas and return to those areas and make that what people associate with Chris Dodd," said Wendy Schiller, a professor of political science at Brown University. "So it would be a very smart move to leave the banking committee chairmanship (and) all that baggage. Throw it off the train."
But Dodd also will be working, for the first time, with no access to Kennedy and his renowned ability to forge compromises with Republicans on major legislation — a tough task to pull off, he admits.
"I lost my best friend in the Senate," Dodd said. "It is going to be hard to go back to the Senate."

Iranian women activists not fooled by president (AP)

CAIRO – Women's rights activists say they aren't fooled by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's nomination of the first female Cabinet ministers since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, calling it a ploy to improve his popularity that will actually hurt the cause of women.
With the nominations of three women for his new government, the hard-line president appears to be seeking to burnish his image at a time when he is under siege from the pro-reform opposition, which claims he won the June presidential election by fraud.
Since coming to power in 2005, Ahmadinejad has cracked down hard on women activists, arresting many involved in a campaign to overturn laws seen as discriminatory to women. Still, he has touted himself as a new, more modern-thinking leader within Iran's hard-line, religiously conservative camp, one that promotes women's rights in an "Islamic context."
Alireza Nader, an Iran specialist with the Washington-based RAND Corp., said Ahmadinejad was trying to siphon support away from opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, who claims he was the true winner in the June election. Mousavi campaigned on a platform of improving women's rights and energized crowds by having his high-powered wife hit the campaign trail with him.
"I don't think the majority of the population, especially those who have been protesters, will necessarily buy" Ahmadinejad's move, said Nader.
The three women are on a list of 21 Cabinet nominees that parliament is due to approve in an Aug. 30 vote. The women would become the first female ministers since Education Minister Farrokhroo Parsay, who served in the 1970s but was executed for corruption shortly after Islamic clerics seized power in the 1979 revolution.
Ahmadinejad already faces a tough fight with lawmakers over his nominees because of political disputes within his own conservative camp, where rivals accuse Ahmadinejad of grabbing too much power and giving key posts to close loyalists. Some lawmakers have dismissed several of Ahmadinejad's nominees as too inexperienced — among them at least one of the women.
While the women's nominations are unlikely to win over anyone in Iran's liberal, pro-reform bloc, Ahmadinejad may be hoping to increase his appeal among conservatives — including the many women in the conservative ranks.
An editorial published last week by the official IRNA news agency lauded Ahmadinejad, saying that while other candidates promised to elevate women to senior government positions, the president has actually delivered.
"Ahmadinejad's action to choose female ministers indicates that the use of women's ability and participation ... needs courage and initiative that shows that perhaps not everyone dares do such a thing," said the editorial, which included supportive quotes from some conservative lawmakers close to the president.
Still, the nominations have also raised some criticism from traditional hard-liners who oppose bringing in women. One of Ahmadinejad's allies, ultra-conservative female writer Fatemeh Rajabi, denounced the nominations as "the goal of feminists and secularists," saying "no pure person would do such a thing."
Women's rights activists say having female ministers serve under Ahmadinejad would actually be a setback for their movement — because of his motives and the cloud hanging over his presidency due to the election.
"This is just a reactionary policy to try to restore his legitimacy in the eyes of the people," activist Mahboubeh Abbasgholizadeh told The Associated Press by telephone from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. "Their appointment right now would be a bad thing for women's rights because it's like cheating."
Activists say two of his female nominees — Fatemeh Ajorlu as welfare and social security minister and Susan Keshavarz as education minister — are Ahmadinejad loyalists who lack experience.
They say Ajorlu, a 43-year-old lawmaker, has been a strong proponent of policies that activists view as discriminatory, such as a bill that would have allowed men to take additional wives without permission from their first wife. The bill was eventually rejected by parliament.
"Ajorlu is anti-woman," said Ziba Mir-Hosseini, who researches the situation of women in Iran, at the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies. "She is a staunch supporter of Ahmadinejad and does not have a strong identity for herself."
Ajorlu served as a nurse for the elite Revolutionary Guard in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq war and has been a loyal member of the pro-government Basij militia. Hard-liners used both groups to violently crack down on protesters following the disputed presidential election.
Less is known about Keshavarz, who is currently head of the ministry's department of disabled students.

A member of parliament's education committee, Asadollah Abbasi, criticized Keshavarz's lack of experience, saying her appointment shows that "Ahmadinejad doesn't know anything about the Ministry of Education," according to the Iranian Women News Agency.

In contrast to Ajorlu and Keshavarz, activists said they admire Ahmadinejad's nominee for health minister, Marzieh Vahid Dastgerdi, a 50-year-old gynecologist who has served in parliament and taught medicine. She is a conservative who called for the segregation of hospitals by gender several years ago, but activists said she has done a lot of good work for women's health.

"It could be a good decision for Dastgerdi to go to the ministry, but not as part of this government," said Abbasgholizadeh. "It would be a big mistake because she would lose all social capital with women's groups and ordinary people."

At least one member of parliament has raised doubts about whether Dastgerdi would be approved. One of the deputy speakers, Mohammad Reza Bahonar, said she and several of other nominees were not as "efficient" as the outgoing ministers.

Oil falls to near $71 in Asia on faltering demand (AP)

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia – Oil prices fell to near $71 a barrel Thursday in Asia, dragged down by signs of faltering U.S. crude demand and concerns the global economic recovery will be anemic.
Benchmark crude for October delivery was down 3 cents to $71.40 a barrel by late afternoon in Singapore in electronic trading on the New York Mercantile Exchange. On Wednesday it fell 62 cents to settle at $71.43
Oil briefly hit the $75 a barrel level Tuesday but failed to breakthrough the barrier and has been sliding since then.
Investors are cashing out as new government data showed weak demand with crude supplies rising last week in the United States, the world's biggest energy user, said Tetsu Emori, commodity markets fund manager at ASTMAZ Futures Co. in Tokyo.
"Reality is setting in. The latest U.S. data showed that fundamentals in the oil market remains bearish," he said, adding that oil prices could fall below $70 a barrel in the next few days.
The Energy Department reported Wednesday that U.S. crude stockpiles rose by 200,000 barrels for the week ended Aug. 21. The same report a week ago showed a large and unexpected draw on oil, which sent prices soaring.
David Donora, executive director of commodities for London-based Threadneedle, which manages about $80 billion of assets, warned global oil demand could decline over the longer term given anemic economic growth and high oil prices.
He said in a recent report that rising unemployment, high levels of debt, increased savings and low economic growth may cause U.S. oil consumption to dwindle in the next few years.
In other Nymex trading, gasoline for September delivery fell 0.61 cent to $1.9765 a gallon and heating oil fell 1.1 cents to $1.8411 a gallon. Natural gas shed 4.8 cents to $2.863 per 1,000 cubic feet.
In London, Brent crude fell 6 cents to $71.59.

La. man convicted of killing 5 teens after Katrina (AP)

NEW ORLEANS – A Louisiana man was convicted Wednesday of gunning down five teenagers in a grisly crime that prompted the governor to bring National Guard troops back to New Orleans to help curb violence in the wake of Hurricane Katrina.
Michael Anderson, 23, was found guilty of five counts of first-degree murder. The jury that convicted him will now decide whether he should face the death penalty.
Prosecutors said Anderson shot the teens at an intersection, but police couldn't pinpoint exactly what motivated the killings.
Prosecutors relied on the testimony of three convicted felons who said Anderson admitted to the shootings in jail, and an eyewitness, Torrie Williams, who was at first reluctant to come forward because she said she didn't want to be involved. Witnesses in New Orleans have often been reluctant to testify, fearing reprisals.
Williams said she was on the street looking for her boyfriend June 17, 2006, when saw Anderson shoot the teenagers — brothers Arsenio Hunter, 16, and Markee Hunter, 19; Warren Simeon, 17; Iraum Taylor, 19; and Reggie Dantzler, 19.
"I hope people will now recognize that we are there and the police are there to keep witnesses safe and that more people will come forward to testify," Orleans Parish District Attorney Leon Cannizzaro said.
The defense questioned Williams' testimony, saying a federal prosecutor testified she frequently asked for money from the state and about the federal witness protection program. The federal prosecutor said she received money for necessities such as rent and groceries.
The defense attorneys said they would appeal the verdict.
Murder and other crimes plummeted the first few months after Katrina hit in August 2005 and flooded 80 percent of New Orleans. But crime started increasing, and the shootings prompted then-Gov. Kathleen Blanco to resend National Guard soldiers and state police to help stave off street violence.
The jury must return an unanimous decision for Anderson to get the death penalty — a punishment that hasn't been handed down in New Orleans since 1997.

Mexico's new drug use law worries US police (AP)

MEXICO CITY – Mexico now has one of the world's most liberal laws for drug users after eliminating jail time for small amounts of marijuana, cocaine and even heroin, LSD and methamphetamine.
"All right!" said a grinning Ivan Rojas, a rail-thin 20-year-old addict who endured police harassment during the decade he has spent sleeping in Mexico City's gritty streets and subway stations.
But stunned police on the U.S. side of the border say the law contradicts President Felipe Calderon's drug war, and some fear it could make Mexico a destination for drug-fueled spring breaks and tourism.
Tens of thousands of American college students flock to Cancun and Acapulco each year to party at beachside discos offering wet T-shirt contests and all-you-can-drink deals.
"Now they will go because they can get drugs," said San Diego Police Chief William Lansdowne. "For a country that has experienced thousands of deaths from warring drug cartels for many years, it defies logic why they would pass a law that will clearly encourage drug use."
Enacted last week, the Mexican law is part of a growing trend across Latin America to treat drug use as a public health problem and make room in overcrowded prisons for violent traffickers rather than small-time users.
Brazil and Uruguay have already eliminated jail time for people carrying small amounts of drugs for personal use, although possession is still considered a crime in Brazil. Argentina's Supreme Court ruled out prison for pot possession on Tuesday and officials say they plan to propose a law keeping drug consumers out of the justice system.
Colombia has decriminalized marijuana and cocaine for personal use, but kept penalties for other drugs.
Officials in those countries say they are not legalizing drugs — just drawing a line between users, dealers and traffickers amid a fierce drug war. Mexico's law toughens penalties for selling drugs even as it relaxes the law against using them.
"Latin America is disappointed with the results of the current drug policies and is exploring alternatives," said Ricardo Soberon, director of the Drug Research and Human Rights Center in Lima, Peru.
As Mexico ratcheted up its fight against cartels, drug use jumped more than 50 percent between 2002 and 2008, according to the government, and today prisons are filled with addicts, many under the age of 25.
Rojas has spent half his life snorting cocaine and sniffing paint thinner as he roamed Mexico City's streets in a daze. Most days he was roused awake by police demanding a bribe and forcing him to move along, he said.
"It's good they have this law so police don't grab you," said Rojas, whose name, I-V-A-N, is tattooed across his knuckles.
Rojas hit bottom three weeks ago when he could not score enough money for drugs by begging and found himself shaking uncontrollably. He accepted an offer for help from workers from a drug rehabilitation center who approached him on the street.
"Drugs were finishing me off," said Rojas, whose 13-year-old brother died of an overdose eight years ago. "I lost my brother. I lost my youth."
Juan Martin Perez, who runs Caracol, the nonprofit center helping Rojas, said the government has poured millions of dollars into the drug war but has done little to treat addicts. His group relies on grants from foundations.
The new law requires officials to encourage drug users to seek treatment in lieu of jail, but the government has not allocated more money for organizations like Caracol that are supposed to help them.
Treatment is mandatory for third-time offenders, but the law does not specify penalties for noncompliance.

"This was passed quickly and quietly but it's going to have to be adjusted to match reality," Perez said.

Supporters of the change point to Portugal, which removed jail terms for drug possession for personal use in 2001 and still has one of the lowest rates of cocaine use in Europe.

Portugal's law defines personal use as the equivalent of what one person would consume over 10 days. Police confiscate the drugs and the suspect must appear before a government commission, which reviews the person's drug consumption patterns. Users may be fined, sent for treatment or put on probation.

Foreigners caught with drugs still face arrest in Portugal, a measure to prevent drug tourism.

The same is not true for Mexico, where there is no jail time for anyone caught with roughly four marijuana cigarettes, four lines of cocaine, 50 milligrams of heroin, 40 milligrams of methamphetamine or 0.015 milligrams of LSD.

That's what concerns U.S. law enforcement at the border.

"It provides an officially sanctioned market for the consumption of the world's most dangerous drugs," San Diego County Sheriff Bill Gore said. "For the people of San Diego the risk is direct and lethal. There are those who will drive to Mexico to use drugs and return to the U.S. under their influence."

Don Thornhill, a retired Drug Enforcement Administration supervisor who investigated Mexican cartels for 25 years, said Mexico's rampant drug violence will likely deter most U.S. drug users, and the new law will allow Mexican police to focus on "the bigger fish."

The Bush administration criticized a similar bill proposed in Mexico in 2006, prompting then-President Vicente Fox to send it back to Congress. But Washington has stayed quiet this time, praising Calderon for his fight against drug cartels — a struggle that has seen some 11,000 people killed since Calderon took office in 2006.

"We work with Mexico every day to combat illegal drugs and cartel violence," State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said when asked about the law. "And we look forward to continuing that cooperation."

_____

Associated Press writers Marco Sibaja in Brasilia, Vivian Sequera in Bogota, Harold Heckle in Madrid, Elliot Spagat in San Diego, Olga Rodriguez in Mexico City and Matt Lee in Washington contributed to this report.

'Problem by problem,' Kennedy transformed himself (Politico)

A decade ago, at the memorial service for John F. Kennedy Jr., yet another family member struck down at an early age, Edward M. Kennedy mourned his nephew by noting that he would not live “to comb gray hairs.”
It is the defining fact of this Kennedy's legacy–both his standing within the Kennedy dynasty and his larger impact on American society–that he lived well past the point when his distinctive mane turned gray.
The youngest member of his generation did not have the cool grace of John F. Kennedy, the dazzling wit, or the easy command of language. He did not have Robert F. Kennedy’s lean, ascetic features or electric sense of purpose. He spent decades in Washington as a contemporary and sometimes painfully mortal figure, rather than one shrouded in history and myth. At the end, his death did not come in a horrible jolt of violence—the only one of patriarch Joseph P. Kennedy’s four sons of which this can be said. 
What this Kennedy had instead during a lumbering and uneven public career was longevity. He was elected to the Senate 47 years ago this autumn, when nearly 65 percent of Americans now alive were not yet born. And it turns out longevity creates its own kind of charisma and myth-making power. 
Forty-seven years was long enough to transform him in popular vocabulary from Teddy to Ted. It was long enough for him to bleach and in many eyes redeem the most garish stains on his public image. Twenty years ago Kennedy’s name tended to be invoked first in the context of personal excess and scandal, and only secondarily in the context of public service. In later years this order was emphatically reversed. 
"From 1980 to this day, I know of no one who has transformed themselves – not overnight, just steady, year by year, bill by bill, problem by problem – to, what do they say - 'lion of the Senate,'" said former Sen. Harris Wofford (D-Pa.) 
After the deaths of his brothers and his own disgrace in the 1969 incident at Chappaquiddick, Wofford said, Kennedy turned his attention to a sustained, deliberate effort to rebuild his reputation. 
"He set about being a very diligent, good senator. A powerful one, rapidly, because people liked him," said Wofford, who served as an aide to John Kennedy. "He was in his own world and he was not under the shadow of either brother. Neither of them was really comfortable in the Senate. He fit in." 
Over time, even former skeptics and opponents came to acknowledge Kennedy's gifts as a legislator. "He had to prove that he wasn't just there because he was the president's brother. He had to show his own capabilities," said George C. Lodge, Kennedy's Republican opponent in his first Senate race in 1962. "At that stage, he was a very likable, very gregarious, humorous, appealing man. But of course, then I had no idea…that he was going to be the kind of leader that he became." 
The same passage of time that enabled Kennedy to show his legislative prowess also allowed him to see the view from both sides of a wide ideological canyon.
JFK and RFK lived their brief public lives at a time when liberalism was in the ascendancy, carried by a tide of popular support for a strong and growing national government.
Ted Kennedy—the attempt of publicists to popularize EMK never caught on—spent the vast portion of his long public career with liberalism on the defensive, so bereft of energy that even the word liberal was usually invoked as epithet.
In Barack Obama’s Washington, the word has not exactly caught on, but the ambitious and unapologetic brand of progressive politics that Kennedy represented has been revived.
During liberalism’s years behind the moon, Democratic politicians typically had two ways of responding.
One model was epitomized most vividly by Bill Clinton, leader of the “new Democrats,” who tried to preserve progressivism by refashioning and in many eyes blurring it. These Democrats were willing to play defense, distancing themselves from traditional liberalism, embracing welfare reform and hawkish foreign policies, and declaring in Clinton’s phrase, that “the era of big government is over.” In general, their strategy was to navigate gingerly through the conservative currents of the age rather than paddling furiously against them.
The other model was epitomized by Kennedy, who never fundamentally altered his philosophy, even at the risk of seeming to be a Quixotic figure. The fundamental text for this brand of Democrat was Kennedy’s concession speech to Jimmy Carter in New York at the 1980 Democratic National Convention and his fighting words that “the cause endures, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die.” 
"Ted was one who, no matter how strong the voice was on the other side, remained resolute in his conviction that the people of this country deserve representation that deals with their problems," said former Sen. Birch Bayh, the Indiana liberal elected along with Kennedy in 1962.
"The tide was going to the right and many of the voices that you heard espousing the political doctrine of the right were angry voices," Bayh said. "I think Ted provided a kind of beacon of light, of hope, for some of us who said, wait, this fella doesn't speak for me."

When Ronald Reagan was president and the tide was definitely going out for liberals, Kennedy never lost his assertiveness and conviction, said Bill Weld, the former Republican governor of Massachusetts and a top official in the Reagan Justice Department.

"Ted always met with me alone…He was the only senator who would meet with me alone," Weld said. "That shows a certain amount of self-confidence and Ted was brimming over with personal confidence." Against this context, one of the most surprising—and by far most consequential—acts in the last chapter of Kennedy’s life has a clear logic.

It is hard to imagine that Obama would be president today if in January 2008 Kennedy had declared that the junior Illinois senator was a talented young man but it was not yet his time and thrown his full weight behind Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he did not say that. Instead, he infuriated both Clintons—who had spent years cultivating their Kennedy relationships—and announced that Obama’s election would revive the spirit of his older brothers and represent “a new time of aspiration and high achievement for our nation and the world.”

Thanks to their wealth and political success, the Kennedys were both American patricians and the country's most celebrated Irish immigrants. It was a paradox, however, that the younger Kennedy children seemed more Irish than their older siblings – Ted Kennedy most of all. While JFK exuded understatement and elegance, his youngest brother projected a more boisterous dimension. He loved storytelling, toasts and Irish song.

But as a younger man, Ted Kennedy’s gaiety could not disguise – in fact, probably contributed to – a persistent sense that he could not meet the awesome expectations of his family name. Shortly after his brother Robert's death, Kennedy led a delegation to explore poverty in Alaska, a trip his older brother had planned to take. On the return journey, the senator's behavior was so raucous and seemingly intoxicated that it became the talk of the political press corps. The Newsweek reporter on the trip, John J. Lindsay, wrote to his editors that Kennedy seemed "under terrible stress, an accident waiting to happen," according to Kennedy family biographers Peter Collier and David Horowitz. But, following the fashion of the times, not a word appeared in print. A year later came the events of Chappaquiddick, when Kennedy failed to report the accidental drowning of a young woman in his company until hours after the fact.

On substantive matters, too, some people questioned his depth. Kennedy family loyalist Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., who generally admired Ted Kennedy, wrote in his private journals that he "lacks the grasp of things that his brothers had."

Some suspected Kennedy's reckless streak may have flowed from a sense of fatalism – a plausible suggestion, given the fate of his older brothers. He once told an Associated Press reporter: "I'm not afraid to die. I'm too young to die."

Ted Kennedy, of course, kept on living and getting reelected over and over. In the end, he showed talents that differed from those of his older brothers, but which gave him a genuine place in the roster of family achievements.

"He became not only disciplined in all these last years, but he became happier," Wofford said. "I think, in the end, he was the happy Kennedy."

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